The Following applications form and other downloads are available. 1. Citizen Charter. 2. Form to Modify Details in Ration Card. 3. Application Form for NFSA. Fresh Application form under NFS Act Application form who does not want to provide Aadhaar card Policy for FSI for recommendation and FSO for approval of Ration Cards Appointment of President and Members of Consumer Disputes Redressal Forums (i.e. District Forum) in Delhi. GOVERNMENT OF NCT OF DELHI. FOOD APPLICATION FORM FOR NEW RATION CARD/DUPLICATE CARD/MODIFICATION/SURRENDER/TRANSFER.
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GOVERNMENT OF NATIONAL CAPITAL TERRITORY OF DELHI. DEPARTMENT OF FOOD (Application Form for NFS Ration Card). 1. Old Ration Card No (If. GOVERNMENT OF NATIONAL CAPITAL TERRITORY OF DELHI Form –B. Application forms of Addition of Name/Deletion of cancellation of Ration Card. Downloadable application form for new ration card or duplicate card or modification or surrender or transfer in Delhi is given. This form is provided by the Food.
Mizoram Lakshadweep The process of applying for Aadhaar remains the same for these places as it is for the rest of the country.
The card will be sent via India Post and due to high number of people applying for the Aadhaar card, it may take more than 90 days to reach to the respective card holder.
Fill in the form with using the enrolment number or the Aadhaar number. Enter your name, pin code of your area and your registered mobile number with Aadhaar. If you have your Aadhaar number: Enter it along with your name, pin code and mobile number. After all the details are entered an OTP One Time Password is generated that will help in downloading a coloured version of the Aadhaar letter which is as valid as the Aadhaar card itself. But how much of a challenge was it for women to exercise this entitlement?
These pedagogies were equally important for women to navigate starkly male-dominated sites of paperwork and official presence such as police stations and ration offices.
Vocational learning and neighbourly solicitude were not contradictory or distinct from each other. These sets of interactions mingled with each other and prepared women better for eventual confrontations at forbidding sites of bureaucracy.
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Every trip to a government office required homework. This meant elaborate consultations with neighbours, putting together all manner of residence and identity proof, and sometimes acquiring a recommendation letter from a pradhan unelected slum leader or municipal councillor. Women in Govindpuri slowly imbibed knowledge of the various resources that identification documents constituted. In the s and s, a peculiar documentary practice surrounding the ration card was observed, namely, the taking out of bail.
My fieldwork indicated that this practice had its place in the margins of the law. Up until the year , the ration card could be used for official and popular purposes like verifying housing claims and taking somebody out on bail. The pedagogic process of acquiring such capital was hazardous for many women in the cluster who had to demonstrate remarkable fortitude in unfamiliar and hostile environments where they were often intimidated and harassed for bribes.
Knowing fully well that they would demand proof and especially her ration card, she took a whole stash of documents V.
Singh card, ration card, etc.
Even then, the police refused to let him off; maybe, they expected a bribe. I summoned all my courage and called up a lawyer I knew then and there in front of the police, and after calling him up, I told the police firmly that I would go, with my lawyer, to Tees Hazari Court to apply for bail there.
Ration card (India)
It was only then that they let him off on kacchi zamanat loose or quasi-legal bail. They put a mohur stamp on his arm. The stamp will fade away in a few days. Rakhi was a balwadi teacher. The case went on for a few years, but I learnt a thing or two about how to handle Court and policewallahs during this time, what tone and manner to use. Sharda and Rakhi, who know a good deal about bail procedures, spoke of how their institutional learning was cemented by numerous conversations with women whose male relatives struggled to come out of jail.
Field visits by women like Sharda and Rakhi to various slum residences, which formed part of their job description, made their navigation of the world of paper more nimble. These authors speak of the perception of the state and its evocations in the accounts of lower-level government workers as well as of poor subjects whose encounters with local officials are widely disparate.
The women I interviewed in the Govindpuri cluster were not merely forming nuanced pictures of the state on entering the domain of bail procedures and legal entitlements. In urban poor spaces, while documents were symbolically and narratively valuable in their ability to conjure everyday bureaucratic properties of the state, they were also yielding of explanations about how bureaucracies are navigated in discrete ways.
But it is paramount not to mistake the accumulated pedagogies of these women as a universal, undifferentiated experience of learning for all women in the slum—women who may come from different locations, with different experiences of having lived and worked in cities, migrated with their husbands with or without work experience, subject to peculiar caste norms of patriarchy, etc.
Gender, Literacy, Social Institutions and Pedagogy 20Ration cards and pensions were of immediate consequence to men as well as women. But this was not the only reason requiring women to familiarize themselves with the sites and protocols of bureaucratic operation.
A few women spoke of how their husbands lost a limb or became enervated owing to years of strenuous work at construction sites and how, though they were at home, they could not find the strength to stand for long hours at offices to submit forms. Furthermore, offices which issued caste certificates, income certificates, ration cards and voter cards were all perceived to be compromised by ambiguous political morality, whereby officials struck deals with dalals brokers and furtively secured commissions.
When asked why he thought these spaces not to be appropriate for women, he told me how he himself had trouble acquiring certain documents - he had to pay a bribe of rupees to a dalal to procure an income and a caste certificate through official channels.
Delhi Ration Card Correction Form Online Download
He distinguished between middle class women and those residing in urban poor spaces, between those belonging to a lower caste and more forward castes in terms of access to education and bureaucratic offices. According to him, if a middle-class woman wished to be litigious, she had the cultural capital of being able to rely on various moneyed men, which was an asset needed in addition to being literate.
If she was also upper caste, then her efforts would not be stymied by parochial bureaucrats who would otherwise dismiss her or mistreat her as they would recognize her caste-name.
Something more innocuous like going to school was also not entertained by the litigious father. There is no single literacy but multiple literacies where class, caste, geographical location, knowledge of procedures of democracy all matter Gupta Conventional literacy, that is, learning to read and write in a language, has various gradations like inscribing a signature, discerning words, comprehending textual meanings and communicating what one has read and understood.
In other words, women who pursued conventional literacy did so because they were politically aware, for instance, of the operation of nominal citizenship in bureaucratic offices that presumes universal knowledge of form-filling.
Political literacy denoted the centrality of self-taught piecemeal pedagogies in everyday battles. Female slum residents often complained that the only gender-sensitive measure undertaken by the government was to pass orders that cash and food entitlements should be issued only to female heads of the household. No inroads were made by the government into the heart of the family to buffer them against unequal social relations and make their citizenship more substantive.
A few other women did not have the asset of even basic literacy until they married and settled down in the cluster. However, they enthusiastically enrolled themselves in adult literacy programs run by the welfare wing of a school in South Delhi and later sought to rope in others to join these programmes.
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Rubina, a Muslim woman in the cluster, had to hide her school-attendance from her husband who was not thrilled by the prospect of his wife disappearing in a bus to a far-off destination.
He believed that the instrumental uses an education yielded, such as enabling Rubina to fill forms and interact with officials to take advantage of urban poor-related welfare schemes, were overrated. But Rubina argues that it has been a while since her husband went to work—having lost his job as a construction worker—and ever since, he has lacked the self-assurance required to be resourceful in pursuing matters of enumeration.
She pointed out that her husband does not take note of all the documents that they do possess—election identity card and a bank passbook included. Supriya, a Bengali woman from a relatively upper caste Khatri community, first worked with the Bharatiya Janata Party and later the Congress party.
In her thirty years in the cluster, she has helped organize rallies for both parties, adjudicated domestic disputes and participated in crackdowns on gambling in the cluster. Though Supriya could not read or write, her access to police stations, ration card offices and ration shops was made easy by her political connections. She often sent women who faced ID document-related hurdles to meet the municipal councillor who was also her political superior. Armed with recommendation letters from the councillor or accompanied by Supriya, these women were sometimes lucky enough to get information about welfare schemes, if not their applications approved.
The councillor once accompanied her to a ration shop where his men slapped the shop-owner and got him to issue rations regularly.
When it came to filling forms, Supriya relied on her daughter in whose education she was invested. Enumeration technologies over the last two decades 26In India, the s are associated with the rising power of the new middle classes, trends of civil society mobilisations, aesthetic norms of the city, civic activism and the consolidation of the political power of urban neighbourhoods Chatterjee , Fernandes , Ghertner After the enactment of NFSA, all state governments developed a set of eligibility criteria to identify households for issuing ration cards.
Based on this eligibility criteria, new ration cards were issued. In some states such as Bihar and Madhya Pradesh , the state governments used existing data such as the Socio-Economic Caste Census to identify households and issue new ration cards. In other states such as Chhattisgarh and Odisha , eligible households had to apply for new ration cards through a self-declaration process .
Many problems with the PDS ration system exist. There are millions of ineligible and fraudulent ration cards;  at the same time, millions of poor families have no ration card. Card numbers are inflated by those held under false or duplicate names, in the names of dead people, or by real but ineligible people.
Ration card (India)
The bank accounts and ration cards of eligible beneficiaries are linked to their Aadhaar numbers. A bank account can be enabled as AeBA by seeding linking it with an Aadhaar number.
Seeding makes mapping information stored on the NPCI payment gateway that facilitates the subsidy payment. Seeding helps identify genuine and eligible beneficiaries and prevents duplicate and non-existent persons from registering. Prior to Aadhaar, the issues plaguing and derailing social security programs in India were caused by corrupt officials and middlemen manipulating paper records and stand-alone databases of social security services.
Due to lack of a unique identifier like Aadhaar, stand-alone databases cannot detect and eliminate duplicate or fraudulent beneficiaries. The most common modus operandi adopted to inflate the beneficiary list is by inserting duplicate entries, non-existent names, and the names of dead and non-eligible people.
Attempts are then made to steal the social security benefits money, depriving genuine claimants. Aadhaar-enabled service delivery AeSD prevents corruption in retail by directly crediting benefit money into the beneficiary's bank account; this is called Direct Benefit Transfer DBT.
It eliminates middlemen and fraudulent, ineligible beneficiaries. In this way, Aadhaar saves billions of rupees of public money annually and enables poor people access to social security benefits.
By August , 6. Applicant eligibility is checked by comparing the service delivery database with other databases. The subsidy on kerosene allocation is reduced if the LPG subsidy is detected for that household. Ration card eligibility is cross-checked with other related, Aadhaar-linked databases. This approach is designed to improve the audit trail , add efficiency and prevent corruption.
It results in direct benefit access for eligible people and annually saves billions of rupees from corruption. With the help of e-Ration service, applicants can obtain ration cards and check their costs and food grain availability online. This will help end the corrupt practice of holding back rations and ensure cards reach the needy.
Aadhaar card holders can apply for e-ration cards. The Department of Food Supplies and Consumer Affairs website provides eligibility details for the food security plan.EPIC No. The Department was established in and discharges the important responsibilities of managing the Public Distribution of, and trade and commerce in essential commodities with a view to maintain or increase supplies thereof and secure their equitable distribution and availability at fair prices by enforcing the Essential Commodities Act, and various Control Orders made thereunder.
Chief Election Commissioner Election commissioners Recent general elections: Top 10 leading and successful Indian entrepreneurs. After the enactment of NFSA, all state governments developed a set of eligibility criteria to identify households for issuing ration cards.
They then had to fill them out, gather the supporting documentation and submit everything while paying a small fee. How to Fill Application Form? Vishal Battula. Retrieved from " https: